La comercialización de carne de animales silvestres, de acuerdo a su magnitud, puede repercutir en la conservación de las especies, el uso para la seguridad alimentaria y en las relaciones culturales que tienen las comunidades indígenas con la fauna. En este trabajo se buscó conocer si existe una relación entre la percepción de abundancia de las especies de fauna que se comercian en Mitú y el nivel de comercialización de las comunidades. Además si existe una relación entre el grado de comercialización y el acatamiento de las normas ancestrales relacionadas con el manejo de la cacería. Se registró durante 15 meses (septiembre 2017- diciembre 2018), el comercio de carne de monte en el casco urbano de Mitú, su procedencia y el número de especies de fauna involucradas. Se registraron 353 eventos de comercialización equivalentes a 2.035 Kg, provenientes de 72 comunidades y que incluyeron 9 taxones de los cuales la lapa fue la especie más comercializada. En 5 comunidades indígenas, todas relativamente cercanas a Mitú, y con niveles de comercialización contrastantes (Wasay, Piracemo y Tucunaré con índice de comercialización alto, Timbó de Betania y Trubón, con índice de comercialización bajo), se exploró la relación entre comercialización, percepción de abundancia y acatamiento a las normas ancestrales. Para estas comunidades se encontró que 92 especies o grupos de especies de fauna hacen parte de la alimentación de las comunidades, de éstas, la lapa (Cuniculus paca), la guara (Dasyprocta fuliginosa), el tintín (Myoprocta pratti), la pava (Penelope jacquacu) y la danta (Tapirus terrestris) registraron los mayores valores de relevancia en el dominio cultural. De las 13 especies comercializadas en Mitú, se observó influencia en la percepción de abundancia por el grado de comercialización en cuatro especies, así para la lapa y armadillo de danta (Priodontes maximus), las comunidades con alto nivel de comercialización las perciben raras y las comunidades con bajo nivel de comercialización las perciben abundantes (X2 de Pearson= 6,612; gl= 2; p=0,037, X2 de Pearson= 12,368; gl= 4; p=0,015 respectivamente). Al cerrillo (Pecari tajacu) y al churuco (Lagothrix lagotricha) las comunidades que más comercializan las consideran abundantes y comunes respectivamente, las que menos comercializan los consideran raras y que no está en la zona (X2 de Pearson= 6,264; gl= 2; p=0,044, X2 de Pearson= 10,196; gl= 3; p=0,017 respectivamente). Para las otras especies no se encontró una relación significativa. A la guara, que presenta bajos niveles de comercialización pero alta relevancia cultural, la mayoría de informantes la consideran abundante y a la danta y al cafuche (Tayassu pecari) los perciben como especies raras. Por efecto de la comercialización, la guara parece estar reemplazando a la lapa en la alimentación de las comunidades indígenas; durante 5 meses (octubre 2018 - mayo 2019), las comunidades registraron las presas que ingresaron a sus cocina y el destino final de las mismas; de 38 lapas cazadas, 32 fueron destinadas al comercio y solamente 6 consumidas. Por el contrario de 29 guaras cazadas, 25 fueron consumidas y 4 vendidas. Se identificaron 11 normas ancestrales relacionadas con el manejo de fauna pero el acatamiento no pudo ser explicado a partir de las variables de comercialización: cazador, comercialización y grado de comercialización (Prueba de ómnibus X2= 4,579; gl=7; p=0,711). La información generada en este trabajo debe incidir en un diálogo constructivo entre las autoridades indígenas y las autoridades ambientales para concertar normas en beneficio de la conservación de la fauna asociada al consumo. De igual forma invita a enfocar mayores esfuerzos en la investigación y gestión del sistema de subsistencia de las comunidades indígenas y sus valores culturales asociados.Instituto Amazónico de Investigaciones Científicas - SinchiCubeoDesanoSirianoGuananoThe trading of wild animal’s meat, according to its magnitude, can have an impact in the conservation of the species, the use for food security and on the cultural relations that indigenous communities have with fauna. In this thesis sought to know if there is a connection between the perception of abundance of the fauna species that are selling in Mitú and the level of trading of the communities. In addition, there is a relationship between the degree of commercialization and the compliance of ancestral rules related to hunting management. During 15 months (between September 2017 and December 2018), was recorded the bush meat trade in the urban area of Mitú, its origin and the number of fauna species involved 353 marketing events equivalent to 2,035 kg were registered, coming from 72 communities and including 9 taxa of which the limpet was the most commercialized specie. In 5 indigenous communities, all relatively near to Mitú, and with contrasting levels of commercialization (Wasay, Piracemo and Tucunaré with a high trading index, Timbó de Betania and Trubón, with a low trading index), It explored the relationship between commercialization, abundance perception and compliance with policies. For these communities it was registered that 92 species or fauna species groups are part of the diet of the communities, of these species, the lapa (Cuniculus paca), the guara (Dasyprocta fuliginosa), the tintin (Myoprocta pratti), the pava (Penelope jacquacu) and tapir (Tapirus terrestris) register the highest values of relevance in the cultural domain. Of the 13 species commercialized in Mitú, influence of the perception of abundance was observed by the degree of commercialization in four species, thus for the lapa and armadillo de danta (Priodontes maximus). The communities with a high level of trading perceive them as rare species and the Communities with low level of trading perceive them abundant (Pearson's X2 = 6,612; gl = 2; p = 0.037, Pearson's X2 = 12,368; gl = 4; p = 0.015 respectively). To the cajuche (Pecari tajacu) and wooly monkey o churuco (Lagothrix lagotricha), the communities that commercialize the most consider them abundant and common species, respectively, those that less commercialize consider them rare and are not in the area (Pearson's X2 = 6.264; gl = 2; p = 0.044, Pearson's X2 = 10.196; df = 3; p = 0.017 respectively). For the other species, no significant relationship found; the Guara, which has low levels of commercialization but with high cultural relevance, considered abundant by most of the informants, and they perceive tapir and cafuche (Tayassu pecari) as rare. Due to the trading effect, the guara seems to be replacing limpet in the feeding of indigenous communities; for 5 months (October 2018-May 2019), the communities registered the preys that entered their kitchens and their final destination; 38 of the limpets hunted, 32 were destined for trade and only 6 consumed. In contrast to 29 hunted guaras, 25 were consumed and 4 sold. Eleven ancestral norms related to wildlife management were identified but compliance could not be explained from the commercialization variables: hunter, trading and marketing degree (Bus Test X2 = 4,579; gl = 7; p = 0.711). The information generated in this work should influence a constructive dialogue between indigenous authorities and environmental authorities in order to agree on rules that benefit the conservation of fauna associated with consumption. It also invites greater efforts to be focused on research and management of the subsistence system of indigenous communities and their associated cultural values. The commercialization of bushmeat, according to its magnitude, can have an impact on the conservation of species, its use for food security and the cultural relations that indigenous communities have with fauna. In this work, we sought to determine if there is a relationship between the perception of abundance of the fauna species traded in Mitú and the level of commercialization of the communities. In addition, we sought to determine if there is a relationship between the degree of commercialization and compliance with ancestral regulations related to hunting management. During 15 months (September 2017-December 2018), the trade of bush meat in the urban area of Mitú, its origin and the number of species of fauna involved were registered. Three hundred and fifty-three commercialization events were registered, equivalent to 2,035 kg, coming from 72 communities and including 9 taxa of which the paca was the most traded species. In 5 indigenous communities, all relatively close to Mitú, and with contrasting levels of commercialization (Wasay, Piracemo and Tucunaré with a high commercialization index, Timbó de Betania and Trubón, with a low commercialization index), the relationship between commercialization, perception of abundance and compliance with ancestral norms was explored. It was found that 92 species or groups of fauna species are part of the diet of these communities. Of these, the paca (Cuniculus paca), guara (Dasyprocta fuliginosa), tintin (Myoprocta pratti), kettle (Penelope jacquacu) and tapir (Tapirus terrestris) registered the highest values of relevance in the cultural domain. Out of the 13 species commercialized in Mitú, the perception of abundance was influenced by the degree of commercialization in four species. Thus, for the pompano and armadillo tapir (Priodontes maximus), the communities with a high level of commercialization perceived them as rare and the communities with a low level of commercialization perceived them as abundant (Pearson's X2= 6,612; gl= 2; p=0,037, Pearson's X2= 12,368; gl= 4; p=0,015 respectively). The Cerrillo (Pecari tajacu) and Churuco (Lagothrix lagotricha) are considered abundant and common respectively by the communities that commercialize the most, while those that commercialize the least consider them rare and not in the area (Pearson's X2= 6,264; gl= 2; p=0,044, Pearson's X2= 10,196; gl= 3; p=0,017 respectively). For the other species no significant relationship was found. The guara, which presents low levels of commercialization but high cultural relevance, is considered abundant by most informants, and the tapir and coffee (Tayassu pecari) are perceived as rare species. As a result of commercialization, the guara seems to be replacing the macaw in the diet of the indigenous communities; during 5 months (October 2018 - May 2019), the communities registered the prey that entered their kitchens and the final destination of the same; of 38 macaws hunted, 32 were destined for trade and only 6 were consumed. On the contrary, of 29 guanadas hunted, 25 were consumed and 4 sold. Eleven ancestral regulations related to fauna management were identified, but compliance could not be explained based on the variables of commercialization: hunter, commercialization, and degree of commercialization (Bus Test X2= 4,579; gl=7; p=0,711). The information generated in this work should influence a constructive dialogue between indigenous authorities and environmental authorities in order to agree on rules that benefit the conservation of fauna associated with consumption. It also invites greater efforts to be focused on research and management of the subsistence system of indigenous communities and their associated cultural values.Magíster en Conservación y Uso de la BiodiversidadMaestría